Israel’s internal fractures are a gift to its enemies

Israel is a country that knows war. It has weathered existential threats before. But what’s happening now feels different since it is not just about the external enemy. It is no less about the fracture from within.

Former Supreme Court president Aharon Barak, one of the most venerated legal minds in Israeli history who most recently sat on the bench at the International Court of Justice in the Hague, issued a stark warning last week. “This rift is deteriorating,” he said. “In the end, I fear, it will be like a train that goes off the tracks and plunges into a chasm causing a civil war.”

That’s not random hyperbole from some fringe activist. That warning came from arguably the man who has shaped Israel’s legal landscape more than anyone in the country’s history.

In parallel, opposition leader Yair Lapid is raising the stakes further. At a rally Saturday night, he called for shutting down the economy and urged a public tax revolt.

The idea of a full-blown civil war in Israel may sound far-fetched. After all, this is a country where left-wing, right-wing, religious, and secular reservists have fought shoulder to shoulder for the last 17 months. The notion that they could suddenly turn against one another seems impossible.

Yet, what is undeniable is the fatigue for a nation worn down not only by war but also by the endless internal strife. Can the unity that existed in the months after October 7 be rekindled? Or was it merely a fleeting moment and an exception to the rule?

The answer may lie in remembering what happened just before that horrific day. On October 6, Israel was consumed with itself. Protests over judicial reform had paralysed the country. Hundreds of thousands were marching.

Air Force pilots threatened to stop reporting for reserve duty. The government pushed forward with its legislative blitz. The nation was distracted and divided.

And that, in hindsight, is precisely why Hamas struck when it did. They saw an opening – a country at war with itself.

It’s the same tactic Israel itself would deploy if it identified such fault lines in one of its enemies. If Iran, for example, were roiled by internal protests would Israel not see that as an opportunity to exploit the chaos? Of course it would.

That is the risk Israel now faces.

Governments have the authority to appoint and dismiss civil servants, even senior ones. But timing and context matter. And during wartime firing the head of the Shin Bet and trying to fire the AG doesn’t send a message of control.

The responsibility for this situation lies with the government. In 2023, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was warned by security officials, opposition leaders, and even some within his own party about the dangers of pushing the divisive judicial reform forward. Nevertheless, he chose to press ahead.

We are now reaping the consequences of that decision. To repeat the same mistake would be nothing short of reckless.

Netanyahu often talks about the “seven-front war” Israel is now fighting – against Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Iran, Syria, the West Bank, the Houthis in Yemen, and Iranian-backed militias in Iraq.

But there is one front we cannot afford to open: Israel itself.

If we allow internal politics to once again fracture the country, then we risk losing not just the war, but the very soul of the state. And if that happens, the answer to the question I was asked so often – Is Israel going to be OK? – will no longer be so clear.