The other night I found myself discussing the American presidential election with a group of Jewish friends. I didn’t initially take it too seriously, I must admit. It’s a fascinating topic of conversation, but none of us were Americans.

We don’t have a vote so it didn’t really matter what my fellow British Jews thought. Or at least that was how I approached it initially. But it wasn’t how I felt by the time we’d finished. I thought it did matter.

While the majority of the group wanted Joe Biden to win, a solid minority preferred Trump. And for two broad reasons. One was a concern that the Democrats were now woke warriors. But the larger reason was foreign policy.

Whatever the President’s, ahem, foibles, he had pulled off what was undoubtedly a coup in advancing peace between Arab nations and Israel. And he sees much more clearly than President Obama did — and by extension, they felt, than President Biden would — the security danger posed by Iran. He had acted, as well, not just talked.

There is plenty to argue with in this, but I decided not to do so. I let these foreign policy arguments go by in order to make a broader point.

The second world war left America as the world’s strongest power, militarily and economically. And it took the deliberate and difficult decision to accept the responsibilities of this power and show itself willing to pay the price in blood and money to protect liberty and democracy all over the world.

The foundation for this was its own constitution. American power was not only demonstrated through military might and financial aid, it was demonstrated through showing an example to the world. The links between economic prosperity, liberty and human rights were a beacon to the world.

American presidents did not naturally become leaders of the free world upon assuming office by constitutional decree, it was an obligation they bore willingly. And it has been of profound importance to Jews that they did so. I believe that our post war security has rested upon it.

Donald Trump has not been leader of the free world. This is for three reasons.

First, it is not obvious that he believes in the free world. He likes strongmen, particularly strongmen who flatter him. He is not a reliable ally for free nations nor a consistent critic of those that aren’t free. And not for the usual reasons of state, but because he’s only interested in people who praise him.

Anyone — Israel included — that thinks it has a firm friend in Donald Trump should review the record on how many firm friends he has chosen to retain during his life.

The second reason he hasn’t been a leader of the free world is that he is not a leader.

He is hardly someone who provides the world with a clear example of the importance of democratic norms. It is not simply the crass insults and narcissistic references to his own abilities. It is also the open flirtation with dictatorship, by refusing to accept in advance the results of a free and fair election.

And thirdly, he can’t be leader of the free world because the free world doesn’t wish to follow him, leaving a huge gap in world politics that will be filled by others.

So the choice is consequential for British Jews. But it still remains the case that it is not a choice for us since we aren’t Americans. So why does to matter what we think?

Because it matters that we appreciate the centrality of democratic norms and liberty under the law to the security of Jews.

I am a Zionist because I can see the importance of the security of the state of Israel to all Jews. The detail of foreign policy towards Israel will always engage my attention. But such policy can’t compensate for positions that endanger Jews throughout the Western world.

If we allow the growth of conspiracy theories, the emboldening of street militias, and the manipulation of the law to become commonplace, policy sympathetic to the state of Israel will not protect Jews in the political culture that is created.

With all our experience, if we Jews can’t see the threat to democracy right in front of us, as someone actually threatens democracy, what hope is there for anyone else?

Daniel Finkelstein is associate editor of The Times