France is going through its biggest upheaval since the riots of May 1968.  Today’s “gilets jaunes” (yellow vests) are not the students of yesteryear, but the challenge to government may be even greater as public support still runs high and weekly protests continue despite the winter cold.

The main target is the President – “Macron resign” they cry -- but they also reject parliament and political parties, unions, media and NGOs.  Their potential spokespersons are physically threatened.

The source of this modern fury has come not from the ethnic suburbs or the unemployed.  It’s rather the working poor and retirees outside the main urban centres who feel denigrated by the Paris elite and disadvantaged by technological revolution and globalisation. Social media has promoted an “us and them“ standoff and facilitated ever-shifting country-wide demonstrations.

The government has made significant gestures to improve the protestors’ financial situation, but their complaints are sweeping and often contradictory.  They want more public services – schools, rail links and hospitals – but also lower taxes.  They demand decisive action from a president they want to depose in favour of Swiss-style referenda. Their catch-cry for “fiscal fairness” means higher taxes on the rich and multinational companies.

Commentators still struggle to make sense of a movement driven by people they never meet.  But they seem to agree that the current malaise has been brewing for decades.  Governments of left and right have prepared the country for open market competition, but they all played populist politics at election time leaving the electorate confused and angry.   In practice, big French companies have adapted well, but they earn their profits abroad.  Highly selective top schools continue to serve the elite, but graduates find lucrative positions in London or San Francisco.   General education standards have slipped.

Many Western societies are suffering in similar ways, but some features are specific to France. The French people are fiercely independent but expect a lot from the state.  Marx is still favoured by schoolbooks and teachers so public demands for “equality” are almost absolute and advancement by merit is suspect.  Prospective university students expect a free choice of establishment and field of study, regardless of job prospects.  High schoolers have been striking because their future is “uncertain”.

President Macron, after dangerous delays, has made mea culpa for his foolish jabs at the lower classes and unemployed.  But he has held firm to his policy direction and retaken the initiative.  He has fled the golden splendour of the Elysee Palace and is off in campaign mode, engaging successive groups of mayors and participating impromptu in the great public debate he has launched across the country.   

Here Macron is at his best, exercising personal charm, mastering detail with humour and repartee.  The media, after being literally beaten up by protestors, is now hosting hours of healthy political debate.

Some gilets jaunes are getting organised to chase violence from their demonstrations and one capable woman has launched a political party for the upcoming European elections.

It remains to be seen what the president will do with the millions of policy suggestions he will get, but this exercise in structured grassroots democracy is not without merit in a country so inclined to revolution.

Jews are still anxious.  Political instability is unsettling for any minority, and slogans on social media have been blatantly antisemitic.  Aliyah numbers have slowed, but the idea is never far from Jewish minds and the growing Francophone presence in Israel makes aliyah a more natural choice.  Macron is probably still the best bet for Jews.  For the time being, at least, it’s still “wait and see”.  

"Reuven Levi" has been a Paris resident since 1981. He married in the United States and is father of three and grandfather of six. He is an active member of the Jewish Community